Chapter 11 Exercises: A Region Divided — Appalachia and the Civil War

Section A: Review and Comprehension

Exercise 11.1: The Class Geography of Secession

The chapter argues that the secession crisis in Appalachia had a class dimension — that the divide between Unionist and Confederate sentiment mapped roughly onto economic differences between slaveholding and non-slaveholding communities.

  1. Identify three specific pieces of evidence from the chapter that support this argument.
  2. What were the slaveholding rates in mountain counties compared to lowland plantation counties, according to the 1860 census data described in the chapter?
  3. Explain the Twenty-Negro Law and why it was especially inflammatory in mountain communities.
  4. The phrase "a rich man's war and a poor man's fight" circulated widely in the mountains. In your own words, explain the economic logic behind this phrase.

Exercise 11.2: West Virginia's Creation

  1. What was the Restored Government of Virginia, and what legal function did it serve in the creation of West Virginia?
  2. Why is West Virginia's creation described in the chapter as both "a brilliant act of democratic self-determination" and "a constitutional sleight of hand"? Explain both sides of that characterization.
  3. How did the new state's borders reflect strategic and political calculations rather than simple geographic or cultural unity?
  4. What happened to former Confederates within the new state of West Virginia? How might disenfranchisement have affected the legitimacy of the new government?

Exercise 11.3: The Guerrilla War

  1. Define the term "bushwhacker" as used in the chapter. Why was the term's meaning contested by both sides?
  2. Explain how the geography of Appalachia — its terrain, forests, hollow-and-ridge topography — made guerrilla warfare effective and conventional suppression nearly impossible.
  3. Describe the cycle of reprisal that developed in mountain communities during the war. Why was this cycle self-perpetuating?
  4. How did the guerrilla war differ from the conventional military campaigns fought at places like Gettysburg and Shiloh?

Section B: Primary Source Analysis

Exercise 11.4: Reading the Wheeling Intelligencer

Reread the primary source excerpt from the Wheeling Intelligencer (June 1861):

"The people of Western Virginia have been dragooned into a revolution which they abhor. They have been made parties to a treason against the government which they love. The time has come to sever the connection which binds us to the eastern part of the State — a connection which has brought us nothing but contempt for our interests and tyranny over our rights."

  1. The editorial uses the word "dragooned." What does this word mean, and what does its use suggest about how western Virginians understood the secession decision?
  2. The phrase "contempt for our interests and tyranny over our rights" refers to grievances that predated the Civil War. Based on what you have read in this and earlier chapters, what were those pre-war grievances?
  3. This editorial was written for a public audience in a time of political crisis. How might that context affect its reliability as a historical source? What might the editor have emphasized or omitted for persuasive purposes?
  4. Compare the language of this editorial to the language of the Declaration of Independence. What rhetorical parallels do you see, and why might Unionists have deliberately echoed revolutionary language?

Exercise 11.5: General Heth's Letter on Shelton Laurel

Reread the primary source excerpt from General Henry Heth's letter to the Confederate Secretary of War:

"I desire to call the attention of the honorable Secretary to the fact that thirteen prisoners... were shot in cold blood. I desire that the case may be investigated. If the report which has reached me be true... I consider it murder."

  1. What does this letter reveal about disagreements within the Confederate military over the conduct of the war in the mountains?
  2. Heth uses the word "murder" — a legal and moral category, not a military one. What is the significance of a Confederate general using this term to describe the actions of Confederate soldiers?
  3. Despite Heth's protest, Lieutenant Colonel Keith was never court-martialed during the war. What does this failure suggest about the Confederate government's priorities and capacity during this period?
  4. After the war, Keith was indicted but fled and was never tried. What does this tell us about the limits of postwar justice in the mountain South?

Section C: Map Analysis

Exercise 11.6: Mapping the Divide

Using a map of the Appalachian region (available through the Appalachian Regional Commission at arc.gov or any historical atlas of the Civil War), complete the following:

  1. Mark the counties that became West Virginia. Note which ones were in the western mountains and which were in the eastern panhandle. What geographic or economic logic determined the border?
  2. Identify the East Tennessee counties that voted against secession. What geographic features (mountains, valleys, rivers) characterize this region?
  3. Locate Madison County, North Carolina (site of the Shelton Laurel massacre) and note its position on the North Carolina–Tennessee border. How might its border location have intensified the conflict?
  4. Locate Saltville, Virginia, and the Kanawha Valley, West Virginia — the two major salt-producing areas. Trace the transportation routes (railroads, rivers) connecting these salt works to the broader Confederacy. Why were these routes military targets?
  5. Compare the areas of strongest Unionist sentiment with the areas of highest elevation. What pattern do you observe? What economic and social factors might explain this correlation?

Section D: Critical Thinking and Debate

Exercise 11.7: The Myth of Appalachian Unionism

The chapter identifies the "myth of Appalachian Unionism" — the oversimplified story that mountain people were simply loyal patriots who opposed slavery. Consider the following three categories of mountain residents during the war:

  • Those who were ideologically committed Unionists
  • Those who were ideologically committed Confederates
  • Those who primarily wanted to be left alone
  1. For each category, describe the kinds of historical evidence that might help us identify individuals in that group (letters, diaries, military records, pension applications, postwar testimony).
  2. Why is it difficult to distinguish between these categories using available sources? Consider the possibility that people's stated motivations may have changed after the war depending on which side won.
  3. The chapter argues that the "survivalist" category — people who just wanted to be left alone — "is not a morally neutral position." Do you agree? Why or why not?
  4. Who benefits from the myth of Appalachian Unionism? Consider how this narrative has been used by politicians, historians, and Appalachian people themselves.

Exercise 11.8: The Shelton Laurel Massacre as a Case in Context

The Shelton Laurel massacre (January 1863) involved the execution of thirteen men and boys by Confederate soldiers. Consider this event in its full context:

  1. The chapter describes the Marshall raid that preceded the massacre — Unionist guerrillas looting the county seat. Does knowing this context change your assessment of the Confederate response? Why or why not? (Note: this is not a question about justification. Execution of prisoners and torture of civilians are war crimes regardless of provocation. The question is about historical causation.)
  2. Compare the Shelton Laurel massacre to other wartime atrocities you have studied (in any conflict). What patterns do you see in the circumstances that produce such events?
  3. The families of the Shelton Laurel victims kept the memory of the massacre alive for generations. Why is community memory of atrocity important? What purposes does it serve — and what risks does it carry?

Section E: Oral History Prompts

Exercise 11.9: Civil War Memory in Appalachian Families

If you have family connections to Appalachia (or access to someone who does), conduct a brief oral history interview using these prompts:

  1. Does your family have any stories, objects, or traditions connected to the Civil War? (Family Bibles with names and dates, letters, firearms, photographs, stories passed down orally?)
  2. Does your family identify as having been Union, Confederate, or divided during the war?
  3. Are there any family stories about neighbors or communities being divided by the war? About feuds or conflicts that are said to have originated during this period?
  4. Has the Civil War ever been a source of pride, shame, or ongoing dispute within your family or community?

Methodological note: When recording oral histories, always ask permission, identify the date and location of the interview, and remember that family memory is a valuable historical source — but like all sources, it reflects the perspective of the teller. Family stories change over time. A family that was Confederate in 1863 may have become "quietly Unionist" in the retelling by 1900. This does not make the oral history unreliable — it makes it evidence of how communities process difficult pasts.

Section F: Then and Now Comparisons

Exercise 11.10: Divisions That Echo

The chapter argues that the Civil War created divisions in Appalachian communities that lasted generations. Consider the following modern parallels:

  1. The Civil War split communities along class lines (slaveholders vs. non-slaveholders). Identify a contemporary issue in Appalachia where class divisions are shaping political or social conflict. How are the dynamics similar to — and different from — 1861?

  2. The guerrilla war was driven in part by pre-existing personal and family grudges that were amplified by the political crisis. Can you identify modern examples where political polarization has activated or intensified personal conflicts? (You may draw on examples from Appalachia or elsewhere.)

  3. West Virginia was created when a region felt that its interests were systematically ignored by the state government. Are there contemporary examples of regions or communities in Appalachia that feel similarly unrepresented? What mechanisms do they have for addressing this — and how do those mechanisms compare to what was available in 1861?

Exercise 11.11: The "Rich Man's War" Question

The phrase "a rich man's war and a poor man's fight" expressed mountain resistance to a war fought primarily for the interests of the slaveholding elite.

  1. Has this phrase — or its logic — been applied to any subsequent American conflict? If so, identify the war and explain the argument.
  2. Who bears the costs of war in the United States today? Research the geographic distribution of military enlistment by county. Are there patterns that echo the class dynamics of the Civil War draft?
  3. Is the logic of "rich man's war, poor man's fight" a useful framework for understanding any current political or economic issue in Appalachia? Explain your reasoning.

Section G: Whose Story Is Missing?

Exercise 11.12: Centering Marginalized Perspectives

The chapter acknowledges that the standard narrative of the Civil War in Appalachia focuses on white men choosing between Union and Confederate allegiance. For each of the following groups, research and write a brief (300-500 word) account of their experience during the war:

  1. Enslaved people in Appalachia during the Civil War. What options did they have? What risks did they face? How did the mountain environment shape their experience differently from enslaved people in the Deep South?

  2. Mountain women during the Civil War. With husbands and sons gone to one army or the other, women managed farms, made survival decisions, sheltered fugitives, faced raids, and navigated dangerous political terrain. What sources can we use to recover their stories?

  3. Cherokee people in western North Carolina during the Civil War. Some Cherokee men served in the Confederate Thomas Legion, a unit organized by William Holland Thomas. What were the circumstances of their service? How has their participation been remembered — and forgotten — in the broader narrative of Appalachian Unionism?

Section H: Writing and Reflection

Exercise 11.13: The Internal Civil War

In a well-organized essay of 800-1,200 words, answer the following question:

The chapter describes the Civil War in Appalachia as "an internal civil war within the Civil War." What does this phrase mean, and what evidence supports it?

Your essay should: - Define what the phrase means in the context of the mountain war - Provide at least three specific examples from the chapter (the creation of West Virginia, the East Tennessee bridge burners, the Shelton Laurel massacre, the guerrilla war, or others) - Explain how the mountain war differed from the conventional military conflict - Address the lasting consequences of this internal war for Appalachian communities

Exercise 11.14: Reflection

In 300-500 words, reflect on the following:

Before reading this chapter, what was your understanding of the Civil War in Appalachia? Has this chapter changed or complicated that understanding? If so, how? If you are from an Appalachian community, does your family's or community's memory of the Civil War align with the history presented here?