Quiz: Field Autopsy — Military Strategy
Q1. France in 1940 had more tanks than Germany yet lost the Battle of France in six weeks because:
(a) French tanks were technologically inferior (b) French doctrine used tanks as distributed infantry support, while German doctrine concentrated them into armored divisions for breakthrough — same technology, opposite doctrine (c) France had no military leadership (d) The French army refused to fight
Answer
**(b)** France had more tanks but used them as infantry support weapons distributed across the front. Germany concentrated its tanks into panzer divisions that could punch through a single point and exploit the breakthrough. The doctrinal difference — not the technological difference — decided the outcome.Q2. "Fighting the last war" is best understood as:
(a) A failure of intelligence (b) The Einstellung effect (Chapter 13) operating at institutional scale — the framework from the previous conflict becomes the only framework through which the next conflict is perceived (c) A lack of military education (d) Deliberate sabotage by military leaders
Answer
**(b)** The lessons of the most recent war don't just influence thinking — they become thinking. Alternative approaches aren't rejected after consideration; they're never seriously considered because the existing framework provides answers that seem complete.Q3. McNamara's fallacy consists of:
(a) Ignoring all quantitative data (b) Measuring what is easily measurable while disregarding or dismissing what cannot be easily measured (c) Using qualitative data instead of quantitative data (d) Refusing to measure anything
Answer
**(b)** In Vietnam, the easily measurable metric (enemy killed) became the central measure of success, while the unmeasurable but essential variables (political legitimacy, population allegiance, enemy morale) were disregarded.Q4. The body count metric in Vietnam demonstrated Goodhart's Law because:
(a) It was never measured accurately (b) Once it became the target for career advancement and unit evaluation, the metric was systematically inflated, civilian casualties were counted as enemy killed, and operations were designed to maximize the metric rather than achieve strategic objectives (c) It was too expensive to collect (d) Only officers used it
Answer
**(b)** The metric consumed the strategy. The military was no longer fighting to win the war; it was fighting to produce numbers that made it look like it was winning the war.Q5. The United States Strategic Bombing Survey (USSBS) found that during the heaviest Allied bombing:
(a) German industry was completely destroyed (b) German industrial production increased every year from 1942 through mid-1944 (c) Strategic bombing was the sole cause of Germany's defeat (d) Civilian morale collapsed immediately
Answer
**(b)** German industry adapted through dispersal and redundancy. German civilian morale did not collapse — just as British morale had not collapsed under the Blitz. The USSBS concluded that strategic bombing contributed to but was not decisive in Allied victory.Q6. Strategic bombing doctrine persisted despite ambiguous evidence primarily because of:
(a) Overwhelming evidence supporting it (b) Sunk cost (the Air Force's institutional identity depended on it), authority cascade (revered air power theorists), and unfalsifiable defense ("we would have won without political constraints") (c) Congressional mandate (d) Public demand for bombing campaigns
Answer
**(b)** The combination of institutional sunk cost, authority cascade from founding theorists, and the ability to explain away failures by blaming insufficient application rather than flawed theory made the doctrine extremely resistant to revision.Q7. The counterinsurgency learn-forget-relearn cycle is driven primarily by:
(a) Individual incompetence (b) Loss of written records (c) Structural incentives — career advancement, budget allocation, institutional identity, and Einstellung all orient the military toward conventional warfare during peacetime (d) Changes in technology
Answer
**(c)** The knowledge is not lost — it exists in manuals, war college curricula, and officers' memories. But knowledge that the institution is not structured to use is functionally invisible. Career incentives, budget priorities, and institutional identity override documented lessons.Q8. The chapter argues that the military's institutional learning paradox — massive investment in learning infrastructure paired with repeated failure — reveals:
(a) That learning infrastructure is useless (b) That learning infrastructure is necessary but not sufficient — it cannot override structural forces (incentives, identity, career dynamics) that pull in the opposite direction (c) That the military needs more war colleges (d) That only crisis can produce learning
Answer
**(b)** The military has the most elaborate learning infrastructure of any institution, but that infrastructure cannot override the structural forces that determine which lessons are retained and which are forgotten.Q9. The military's Correction Speed Model profile is unique among the fields examined in Part IV because:
(a) Every variable pulls toward fast correction (b) It corrects faster during crises than almost any other institution, but reverts faster between crises — the net learning speed across decades is much slower than the crisis-period speed suggests (c) It never corrects (d) It corrects only through generational turnover
Answer
**(b)** High crisis probability and high evidence clarity produce rapid correction during wars. But the correction-reversion cycle means net learning across decades is slow. The military's unique position: fast correction, fast forgetting.Q10. The post-Vietnam military's abandonment of counterinsurgency doctrine is best understood as:
(a) A rational strategic decision (b) An overcorrection (Chapter 21) — the trauma of failure produced a pendulum swing from "we're fighting counterinsurgency badly" to "we shouldn't fight counterinsurgency at all," creating a new vulnerability (c) An order from Congress (d) A budget constraint
Answer
**(b)** The overcorrection created the equal and opposite error: the assumption that the military could choose which wars to fight. When the Iraq insurgency emerged, the military was structurally unprepared for a challenge it had deliberately excluded from its doctrinal framework.Scoring Guide
- 9-10 correct: Excellent. You understand the structural forces that limit institutional learning.
- 7-8 correct: Good. Review the institutional learning paradox (28.5) and the counterinsurgency cycle (28.4).
- 5-6 correct: Fair. Revisit the connections to Einstellung (28.1) and McNamara's fallacy (28.2).
- Below 5: Re-read the chapter focusing on why the military repeats despite its learning infrastructure, not just that it repeats.